Kyrgyz Bronze Age: The Formation of the Cattle-Breeding Economy on the Yenisei - A. N. Bernshtam
- Kyrgyz American Foundation
- Oct 19, 2024
- 19 min read

In the photo: An anthropological and artistic reconstruction of the face of a girl from the Sintashta culture, created from the skull of a woman found in Kurgan 2 of the Kizilsky I burial site. The burial site is part of the archaeological area surrounding the fortified settlement of the Sintashta culture in Kizilskoye. The bronze reconstruction based on the skull from the Bronze Age site was made by the anthropologist Alexey Nechvaloda from Ufa, Russia.
Kyrgyz Bronze Age: The Formation of the Cattle-Breeding Economy on the Yenisei and the Ethnogenesis of the Dingling. Quote from the book by the renowned scholar Alexander Natanovich Bernshtam, "Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan from Ancient Times to the Mongol Conquest.”
"The history of the Kyrgyz tribes is usually considered to begin in 201 BC, when the transcription of the name Kyrgyz in the Chinese form “jiankun”or “gegun” first appears in Chinese sources. It is absolutely certain, however, that the formation of a tribe always precedes the appearance of its name on the historical stage. This principle fully applies to the Kyrgyz.
The end of the third century BC is evidently only a stage in their history, first recorded in written sources, and not the exact date of their emergence. Indeed, this date is associated with a Chinese source that reports the Hun Chanyu Mode (or Maotun) defeated a number of tribes to the north of his country, among which the ancient Chinese text mentions the Jyankun tribe.
In other words, by the third century BC, the Jiankun were already a distinct tribal formation, which, although unsuccessfully, still resisted the powerful Hun tribal union. From historical writings and archaeological materials of a later period, these Jiankun tribes are depicted as cattle breeders who inhabited the middle and upper Yenisei and were the aborigines of this region.
It is quite clear that these cattle breeders emerged from a complex historical process, through which the Kyrgyz tribes had already formed by the third century BC. This compels us to explore the history of the ancient homeland of the Kyrgyz, where these tribes, their economy, and their culture were shaped. However, the study of this issue takes us back to ancient times, to the period when history records the beginnings of cattle breeding on the Yenisei.
The oldest evidence of cattle breeding on the Yenisei dates back to the 2nd millennium BC. Archaeologists have uncovered the so-called Afanasyevskaya culture here, named after Afanasyevo Mountain, near Minusinsk, where monuments of this type were first excavated. The Afanasyevskaya culture is known for small single burials, sometimes lined with stone slabs.
In the grave, alongside the deceased, there was a modest inventory of items and remains of food, presumably necessary for the afterlife. Graves of this type are usually grouped in clusters of 20-25 mound embankments and are barely distinguishable on the surface of the earth, marked only by slightly protruding stone facings in the form of a circle. Typically, the graves contain a single burial, but there are also collective burials containing several individuals, undoubtedly belonging to one family.
For instance, there are burials of a woman with a child, and sometimes a man, a woman, and children. Rarely, the ground burial pit was additionally reinforced with logs or stones (stone slabs forming the inner walls of the grave). The inventory remains extremely sparse, consisting mainly of distinctive ceramics, flint, bone, and copper artifacts, as well as bones of wild and domestic animals.
The most significant aspect of the Afanasievo culture for us is the undeniable evidence of animal domestication, marking the genesis of cattle breeding. Among the domestic animals, bones of sheep, cattle, and horses have been found in the Afanasievo-type burial grounds. However, archaeologists have no evidence that these animals were used for dairy production.
It appears they were bred primarily for meat. Primitive cattle breeding was also combined with hunting for roe deer, wild cattle, chipmunk, fox, red deer, and various birds.
The discovery of fish bones, particularly pike, indicates the importance of fishing in the economy. This is further supported by the finds of fishing hooks. The nature of the cultural phenomena observed in the graves suggests that we are witnessing the emergence of cattle breeding from hunting, which was associated with a relatively sedentary lifestyle.
The presence of fishing and the nature of the dwellings, as reconstructed by archaeologists based on burial structures, indicate a sedentary way of life. The dwellings were either dugouts, log structures, or dugouts with walls reinforced with logs.
The Afanasievo culture is relatively self-contained and is characteristic of the Minusinsk Basin itself. Identical monuments have been found only in the Altai region, while similar monuments are scarce in other adjacent areas.
Andronovo burials, on the other hand, indicate a more advanced culture than the Afanasievo. The ceramics from this culture are richer in variety, better in craftsmanship, and more lavishly ornamented with diverse designs such as triangles, rhombuses, festoons, meanders, and more. The shape of the vessels is also distinctive.
While Afanasievo vessels are pointed and were likely designed to be placed in the ashes of a fire, Andronovo vessels are flat-bottomed, indicating a smooth floor in the dwelling and the construction of a permanent hearth. Instead of copper, people had already learned to cast tools from bronze, and the improvement in the quality of these tools, along with the manufacture of jewelry, marked a transition to more advanced metalworking techniques.
From bronze, people crafted weapons such as shaft-hole axes, knives or daggers, celts, and spearheads, as well as tools like awls and sickles. Casting became the primary technique for making metal objects, with forging used only to strengthen the working edge of the tools.
The development of metallurgical production is evidenced not only by the composition of bronzes, as established through chemical analysis, but also by the discovery of stone casting molds, the variety of products, and deep underground mining for copper, tin, and gold.
A crucial aspect of the development of Andronovo culture is the continued advancement of cattle breeding and hoe farming. This is indicated by the fact that in all the graves excavated by archaeologists, only the bones of domestic animals—sheep, cattle, and horses—are found. In settlements dating back to this period, the bones of domestic animals significantly outnumber those of wild animals.
The presence of wild animal bones, however, suggests that hunting was still practiced, although it became secondary compared to the earlier stage. Domestic animals provided not only meat but also wool, from which fabrics were made, as evidenced by the discovery of a small ushanka hat made of woolen fabric in one grave.
The increasing sedentarism of the Andronovo culture, documented not only by the nature of burial structures but also by the studied settlements, was a precursor to the emergence of agriculture.
There is no doubt that the agriculture that developed here was driven by the needs of cattle breeding, such as harvesting fodder, as indicated by the widespread use of sickles, which outnumbered plowing tools. The latter are represented only by bone hoes, one of which was found in the Aleksandrovskoye village settlement. The development of social relations during this stage is marked by the further growth and strengthening of patriarchal systems.
A very important feature of the Andronovo culture is its vast distribution. This suggests not only an increasingly developed exchange system but also the integration of individual patriarchal families into larger tribal unions, compensating for the vulnerability of isolated patriarchal families that emerged from clans through private cattle ownership.
The Andronovo culture is extremely widespread. It is possible that its wide distribution was a consequence of political events not recorded by archaeological evidence, rather than merely the result of expanding trade. In any case, we are now dealing with a culture that extends from the Yenisei in the east to as far west as Khwarezm.
It should be noted, however, that Khoresmian culture is closer to Eastern European and North Caucasian cultures than to those of South Siberia. Monuments of the Andronovo culture are found along the Ob River, in Altai, central and eastern Kazakhstan, and near the Aral Sea.
Andronovo-type items have also been discovered in the Northern Tian Shan, around Issyk-Kul, and along the Sokuluk River. The Andronovo culture of the Yenisei represents only the easternmost variant of a single cultural complex spread across this vast territory. No traces of this culture have been found to the east or south of the Yenisei.
Local variations are observed throughout the region occupied by the Andronovo culture, with the cultures of the Altai and Minusinsk regions being more similar to each other than to the distinct Kazakhstani version of the Bronze Age culture. The Tazabagyab culture of Khorezm also exhibits its own local characteristics.
The archaeological record of Kyrgyzstan is still limited to random finds and one hoard, but we can already identify specific features of northern Kyrgyz bronze. Even within this region, we find evidence of artifacts originating from more distant areas, particularly Eastern Europe. These include the so-called Seima-type celts (Oka), certain types of jewelry, and other items.
Thus, the Andronovo culture of the Yenisei, while fundamentally the result of the spontaneous development of the preceding Afanasievo culture, represents a distinct expression of the broader cultural evolution occurring from the Yenisei to the Urals.
This development was driven by the establishment of cattle breeding, which, combined with agriculture and hunting, formed the basis for the creation of patriarchal families and the first tribal unions that united, if not ethnically homogeneous, then at least related tribes of shepherds and cattle breeders. With the beginning of the 1st millennium BC, the nature of the relationships between these cultures begins to change.
One of the most important features of the Karasuk culture is its well-known limitation to the region of the Minusinsk steppes. The only Karasuk burial that has been studied outside this area, located in the village of Dyndybai on the Chkrkbaikura River in the Karaganda region of central Kazakhstan, even with its specifically local cultural features, only confirms this regional limitation.
The closest monuments to the Minusinsk Karasuk culture, found in the upper reaches of the Ob and in Tomsk, already display such clearly defined local differences that archaeologists can distinguish these monuments as unique variants (Tomsk and Upper Ob) of the Karasuk culture.
This "breakaway" of the Karasuk stage from the territory previously occupied by the Andronovo culture is explained by the shift of the cultural center of gravity to the east. It is no coincidence that Karasuk-type items are found no further west than Tomsk, while in the east and south they have been found in the Tuvan Republic, the Selenga River basin, and China.
In particular, the Karasuk bent knife is thought to have originated from the knife-like coins of China. The reasons for the collapse of the Andronovo union and the eastern "orientation" of the Karasuk culture during this period are difficult to fully explain. The underlying causes are not easily discerned from the materials of this unwritten era.
However, it is certain that the connections that began to emerge in the 3rd century BC between Southern Siberia and Central Asia were not coincidental, and they were likely preceded by a period of initial contact (perhaps through exchange) as early as 1000 years BC.
The disintegration of the Andronovo tribal union, as outlined by the Karasuk stage, is associated with the formation of Scythian culture to the west of the Minusinsk region, and Hunnic culture to the east (a couple of centuries later).
To some extent, the Minusinsk region, due to its location and the nature of its cultural and economic development, served as a neutral zone for some time. During this period, the so-called Minusinsk Kurgan culture, or Tagar culture, developed in this region.
It is noteworthy that while iron was already firmly established in everyday life in Altai and Semirechye, bronze continued to dominate in the Minusinsk region. The people of Minusinsk experienced the influence of Scythian western culture, and only with their inclusion in the system of the great Hunnic state did they once again assume a leading position in the historical processes of these regions.
Before moving on to this issue, it is important to briefly describe the Minusinsk Kurgan culture. The Minusinsk Kurgan culture represents the most magnificent but also the final stage of the development of the Bronze Age culture in the Minusinsk region. The lack of continuity from Karasuk culture is evidenced by archaeologists through burials of a transitional type, dated to the 8th century BC, which consist of small burial enclosures made of stone slabs placed on edge.
The Minusinsk Kurgan culture is divided by researchers into several stages of development. The earliest stage is represented by monuments from the 7th to 5th centuries BC, characterized by low burial mounds with a stone fence around the base. Large stones placed on edge usually stand at the corners of such fences. Sometimes, very high burial mounds containing both collective and individual burials date back to the 5th to 3rd centuries BC.
It is important to note that iron objects have been found in the burial mounds from this period. Finally, large individual burial mounds with stone fences, containing up to 100 burials in their chambers, date back to the 1st to 2nd centuries BC.
In addition to inhumation, the cremation rite is also observed in these burials. Iron objects reach their greatest development during this time. The monuments of the third stage are associated with significant changes in the culture of the Minusinsk region and the subsequent Tashtyk-type burials, the consideration of which lies beyond the scope of this chapter. We will now examine the cultural development across all three stages, only briefly mentioning phenomena characteristic of the earlier and later stages.
Cattle breeding, which we previously discussed, reaches its peak development in the Minusinsk Kurgan culture, particularly as pastoral cattle breeding. People bred horses, cattle, sheep, and goats, as evidenced by finds in graves and by images on the stones of grave fences and rocks.
It is possible that camel breeding first appears during the third stage of this culture. The presence of camels is documented by the image of a camel on the so-called Boyar Pisanitsa, as well as by the discovery of a bas-relief depicting a camel with a man riding it, relating to the final stage of this culture.
However, this bas-relief could have been brought in through trade, especially since the two-humped camel (Camelus Bactrianus) of the western type is depicted. Still, this find, combined with the inscription, suggests the possibility of local use. The nature of the images found on various objects even allowed archaeologists to identify different breeds of horses—both heavy and light.
An extremely important aspect of this period is the development of the draft power of domestic animals, as evidenced by the finds of bridle parts and harnesses. This is further documented by rock drawings depicting a bull harnessed to a four-wheeled cart, as well as scenes of a mounted warrior in combat with a foot soldier.
Saddles were already being depicted for horse riding, though stirrups were not yet known. The development of draft power using cattle contributed to the further advancement of the economy, but it was not yet advanced enough for plow agriculture. Agriculture remained at the level of hoe farming, as evidenced by an inscription showing a man working with a hoe.
The absence of plowshares during this period is also noteworthy.
This type of agriculture was likely limited to vegetable gardening, and only on river floodplains with soft soils. The use of animals for transportation and the presence of sheep adapted for grazing in the arid regions of the steppes allowed the ancient Minusinsk people to expand their activities. It is significant that by the third stage of the Minusinsk Kurgan culture, archaeologists have documented the northward expansion of kurgans towards Krasnoyarsk, a previously uninhabited area.
Despite the development of cattle breeding, the way of life, supported by agriculture and fishing, remained semi-sedentary. This is indicated by the images of wooden log buildings on the Boyarskaya Pisanitsa. To complete the overview of the economy, it is worth noting that hunting, particularly of deer, also played a significant role.
Rock paintings have preserved scenes of both solitary and collective (roundup) hunting and reindeer pens. A striking feature of the culture at this stage is the development of bronze casting. The largest number of bronze objects and the greatest variety in their forms, including both tools and decorations, date back to the period from the 7th to the 1st centuries BC.
Bronze casting production clearly became the domain of specialized craftsmen who stamped their objects with distinctive marks. The development of this craft was facilitated, in particular, by the availability of natural resources in the region. By the third stage, bronze was beginning to be replaced by iron.
For example, bronze daggers with iron handles have been found. Bronze casting was closely linked with the developed art of decoration, where the predominant theme was the depiction of animals. The main locations for these decorations were the pommels of daggers, axes, and other weapons. The second significant group of images included parts of costumes (plates, buckles, etc.).
The developed "animal style" of jewelry was closely connected with a complex set of ideological beliefs, where individuals associated their origin with specific animals (totems) and believed in the magical power embodied in these animal images.
The technique and nature of animal depictions closely link the culture of the Minusinsk people with the so-called Scythian culture.
This connection is especially evident in the monuments of the second and third stages. In fact, during this time (5th–1st century BC), in the regions surrounding the Yenisei, in Altai, and further west, we see the emergence of an established culture of early nomads, characterized in particular by their animal style.
It is difficult to imagine that the nearby Minusinsk people would not have been influenced, at least culturally, by this powerful tribal union. Moreover, it can be assumed that the Minusinsk people, who had been creating animal imagery since the Karasuk period, significantly influenced Scythian culture, particularly in the realm of iconography.
In Asia, the Minusinsk region stands as the oldest center for the development of animal themes and styles. It is no coincidence that some researchers believe that the ancient Minusinsk people, and later the inhabitants of Altai, played a crucial role in shaping the corresponding themes in Central Asia and Northern China.
Despite the connections between the cultural phenomena of the Minusinsk region and Altai during the Scythian era, the main cultural and political ties extended southeastward. It is no coincidence that traces of a similar culture and characteristics found in the Yenisei region lead toward Tuva and Mongolia, spreading through the Transbaikal area and reaching as far as China.
In fact, the presence of these connections was already evident during the Karasuk era. A certain unity of cultural ties with the aforementioned regions is discernible, limited in the west by the meridian of Tomsk and in the east, north of Baikal, by the meridian of Irkutsk.
In the north, this culture reaches the parallel of Krasnoyarsk, and in the south, it extends to the parallel of Ulaanbaatar and even Beijing. The cultural unity of this region coincides with the distribution of a long-headed racial type with a dolichocephalic face, a narrow, humped nose, and a prominent occiput.
Undoubtedly, these are the Dinlins and Boma mentioned in Chinese chronicles, who particularly surprised the inhabitants of China with their blue eyes, red hair, and generally light coloring. This population type along the Yenisei was shaped by the economic and cultural development described above.
In summary, by the 3rd century BC—when the "Kyrgyz" tribe, known in Chinese as "Jiankun," first appeared, living along the upper reaches of the Yenisei River in the Minusinsk region—there existed semi-sedentary pastoral tribes of cattle breeders. These tribes possessed highly developed bronze casting technology and engaged in agriculture, hunting, and fishing.
The culture of the Minusinsk region's inhabitants was the result of long-term economic development beginning in the middle of the third millennium BC. It was associated with a blond, long-headed population type known to the Chinese as the Dingling. This Dingling society, a union of tribes, maintained connections with western Asia until the 1st millennium BC, and from the 1st millennium BC onward, it increasingly developed relationships with the tribes of Central Asia.
During the 5th to 3rd centuries BC, the Dingling were temporarily united culturally with the powerful Scythian union. Although they maintained ties with Central Asia during this time, by the first centuries BC, they fell under the direct influence of Central Asian cultures. Prior to establishing ties with Central Asia, the Dingling had undergone a long history of ethnogenesis, involving various and sometimes geographically distant tribal components.
The well-documented independence of the Yenisei culture's development, along with the continuity of its evolution over nearly two and a half millennia, allows us to trace the Dingling ethnogenesis through all the stages of culture analyzed above.
It is on the foundation of Dingling ethnogenesis that the changes occurred, eventually leading to the crystallization of a new ethnic phenomenon—the Kyrgyz. This new ethnic phenomenon, the Kyrgyz, was a direct result of the preceding Dingling ethnogenesis.
In this context, the characteristic forms of cattle breeding, culture, and racial type were established, which subsequently distinguished the Kyrgyz tribes from their related Turkic tribes for a long time.
Therefore, the origins of the formation of the Kyrgyz tribes, and consequently the history of the Kyrgyz people, must be traced back to the archaeological evidence of the Afanasyevskaya culture, with a detailed analysis of the Dinlin ethnogenesis, upon which ancient Kyrgyz society was founded.” - Alexander Natanovich Bernshtam, "Kyrgyz and Kyrgyzstan from Ancient Times to the Mongol Conquest.”
🧬 DNA Science Data:
“Haplogroup R1a1, more specifically, its subclade R1a1a1b2 (defined by mutation Z93), is the genetic marker of the Indo-European pastoralists, who migrated from modern-day Ukraine to modern-day Iran, India, the Kazakh steppes, the Tarim Basin, the Altai Mountains region, the Yenisei River region, and western Mongolia during the Bronze Age.
Naturally, R1a1, more specifically, its subclade R1a1a1b2 (R1a-Z93), occurs at high frequency among the Turkic peoples now residing in the Yenisei River and the Altai Mountains regions in Russia.
Compared to the Tuvinians, the Khakass (whose name was created by the Soviets from Xiajiasi (黠戛斯), a Chinese name for Kyrgyz, since they were regarded as descending from the Kyrgyz have noticeably higher percentages of R1a1 (35.2%) and much lower percentages of haplogroups C (1.1%) and Q (4%). However, N is also the most prevalent haplogroup (50%) of the Khakass (Gubina et al. 2013: 339; Shi et al. 2013)
As for the Altaians, the Altai-Kizhi (southern Altaians) are characterised by a high percentage of R1a1 (50%) and low to moderate percentages of C2 (20%), Q (16.7%) and N (4.2%) (Dulik et al. 2012: 234).
The major differences between the Khakass and the southern Altaians are the lower frequency of haplogroup N (in another study, haplogroup N is found at high frequency (32%) among the Altaians in general: see Gubina et al. 2013: 329, 339) and the higher frequencies of haplogroups C2 and Q among the latter.
The descent of the Kyrgyz (Kyrgyz) of the Tien Shan Mountains region (Kyrgyzstan) from the Yenisei Kyrgyz is debated among historians.
However, among the modern Turkic peoples, the former have the highest percentage of R1a1 (over 60%). Since the West Eurasian physiognomy of the Yenisei Kyrgyz recorded in the Xin Tangshu was in all likelihood a reflection of their Eurasian Indo-European marker R1a1a1b2 (R1a-Z93), one may conjecture that the Tien Shan Kyrgyz received their R1a1 marker from the Yenisei Kyrgyz. That is, the former are descended from the latter.
The other Y-chromosome haplogroups found among the Kyrgyz (Kyrgyz) are C2 (12~20%), O (0~15%) and N (0~4.5%).50 The lack of haplogroup Q among the Qirghiz (Kyrgyz) mostly distinguishes them from the Altaians.
During the Bronze Age and early Iron Age, the Yenisei River region was inhabited by Indo-Europeans. The dna study of 26 ancient human specimens from the Krasnoyarsk area dated from the middle of the second millennium bc to the fourth century ad shows that the Yenisei pastoralists mostly belonged to haplogroup R1a1 (Keyser et al. 2009: 401)
The high frequency of R1a1 among the modern-day Kyrgyz and Altaians may thus prove that they are descended from the Yenisei Kyrgyz. In addition, this may explain the reason why medieval Chinese histories depict the Kyrgyz as possessing West Eurasian physiognomy.
The Y-chromosomes of the Kök Türks have not been studied. After the collapse of the Second Türk Khaganate in 745 ce, the Kök Türks became dispersed and it is difficult to identify their modern descendants.
If they were indeed descended from the Eastern Scythians aka Saka (Suo) or related to the Kyrgyz, as the Zhoushu states (Zhoushu 50.908), the Ashina (royal Türkic dynasty, possibly related to the Turko-Jewish Khazar Khaganate, according to Peter B. Golden of Rutgers University) may have belonged to the R1a1 lineage.” - Joo-Yup Lee and Shuntu Kuang, University of Toronto, Canada
Source: “A Comparative Analysis of Chinese Historical Sources and Y-DNA Studies with Regard to the Early and Medieval Turkic Peoples’
Authors: Joo-Yup Lee and Shuntu Kuang from, the University of Toronto of Canada
“Kyrgyz are an admixed population between the East and the West. Different patterns have been observed in the patrilineal gene pool of the Kyrgyz. Historically, ancient Kyrgyz were considered to be the Yenisei Kyrgyz that may perhaps be concerned with the Tashtyk culture.
Extremely low Y-diversity and the presence of a high-frequency 68.9% Y-chromosome haplogroup R1a1-M17 (a diagnostic Indo-Iranian marker are striking features of Kyrgyz populations in central Asia. It is believed that this lineage is associated with Indo-Europeans who migrated to the Altai region during the Bronze Age and mixed with various Turkic groups.
Among the Asian R1a1a1b2-Z93 lineages, R1a1a1b2a2-Z2125 is quite common in Kyrgyzstan (68%) and Afghan Pashtuns (40%), and less frequent in other Afghan ethnic groups and some Caucasus and Iran populations (10%). Notably, the basal lineage R1a1a1b2-Z93* is commonly distributed in the South Siberian Altai region of Russia.
According to the published ancient DNA data, we found that, in Middle Bronze Age, Haplogroup R1a1a1b2a2a- Z2125 was mainly found in Sintashta culture population from Kamennyi Ambar 5 cemetery, western Siberia, in Fedorovo type of the Andronovo culture or Karasuk culture population from Minusinsk Basin, southern Siberia, and in Andronovo culture populations from Maitan, Ak-Moustafa, Aktogai, Kazakh Mys, Satan, Oy-Dzhaylau III, Karagash 2, Dali, and Zevakinskiy stone fence, Kazakhstan.” (Wen, Shao-qing; Du, Pan-xin; Sun, Chang; Cui, Wei; Xu, Yi-ran; Meng, Hai-liang; Shi, Mei-sen; Zhu, Bo-feng; Li, Hui (March 2022)
Source: "Dual origins of the Northwest Chinese Kyrgyz: the admixture of Bronze age Siberian and Medieval Niru'un Mongolian Y chromosomes", Nature
Authors: Wen, Shao-qing; Du, Pan-xin; Sun, Chang; Cui, Wei; Xu, Yi-ran; Meng, Hai-liang; Shi, Mei-sen; Zhu, Bo-feng; Li, Hui (March 2022)
“The modern-day descendants of the Yenisei Kyrgyz, the Kyrgyz people, have one of the highest frequencies of haplogroup R1a-Z93. This lineage believed to be associated with Indo-Iranians who migrated to the Altai region in the Bronze Age, and is carried by various Türkic groups. The Zhoushu [the book of the Zhou Dynasty] (Linghu Defen 2003, Chapter 50, p. 908) informs us that the Ashina, the royal clan of the Kök Türks, were related to the Kyrgyz.
If so, the Ashina may have belonged to the R1a1 lineage like the modern-day Tienshan Kyrgyz, who are characterised by the high frequency of R1a1 (over 65%). Haplogroup R1a1, more specifically, its sub- clade R1a1a1b2 defined by mutation Z93, was carried by the Indo-European pastoralists, who reached the Kazakh steppes, the Tarim Basin, the Altai Mountains region, the Yenisei River region, and western Mongolia from the Black Sea steppes during the Bronze Age (Semino et al. 2000, p. 1156, Lee, Joo-Yup (2018)
Source: Lee, Joo-Yup (2018). "Some remarks on the Turkicisation of the Mongols in post-Mongol Central Asia and the Kipchak Steppe ''. Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae. 71 (2): 121–124. doi:10.1556/062.2018.71.2.1. ISSN 0001-6446. S2CID 133847698.
Kazakh DNA researcher Zhaxylyk Sabitov states: “Until the 9th century, the Kyrgyz lived along the Yenisei River in the Minusinsk Basin. In the 9th century, the Yenisei Kyrgyz migrated to the Altai and Irtysh regions.
“From 1326 to 1329, some Altai Kyrgyz moved to Semirechye and the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan.” He also published DNA sample data from the Sintashta culture, which he claims “is related to the Altai and modern Kyrgyz, while the Arban-1 samples from the Karasuk culture are ancestral to modern Kyrgyz. Genetic data from Arzhan complex (8th century BCE) also show parental genes of the Kyrgyz.”
It is known that the structure of Arzhan has similarities with the Sintashta-Andronovo kurgans (M.P. Gryaznov). It is known that Saka tribes lived in the territory of Kyrgyzstan, and later the Wusun tribe arrived from the east. The high percentage of R1a1 among the Kyrgyz appeared through three routes: from the Saka tribes, from the Wusun Sakas, and from the Dingling tribes. There is also a theory about the migration of part of the Yenisei Kyrgyz to the territory of modern Kyrgyzstan.” (Zhaxylyk Sabitov)
Source: “Historical-Genetic Approach in the Study of the Ethnogenesis and Material Culture of the Ancient Kyrgyz” - International Journal of Experimental Education
“The land of Modern Kyrgyzstan, populated at the turn of the eras by the Saka and Wusun tribes, was overrun by the Yenisei Kyrgyzes (Khakasses) in the 8th c. AD.
Since Kyrgyzstan is a natural mountain fortress of the Tian Shan mountains, it is an island similar to the Lithuanian Tatars, with high genetic inertia and limited influences. Essentially, all four are Scythians, the Saka Scythians, Wusun Scythians, Yenisei Kyrgyz Scythians, and the Lithuanian Tatar Scythians.”
Source: “The Lithuanian Tatars: DNA Ancestry Traced To The Eurasian Steppes”, Academy of DNA-Genealogy, Tsukuba, Japan, Igor Rozhanski
"Samples from the burials of the Andronovo, Tagar, and Tashtyk cultures were identified using Y-STR analysis, which allows for the comparison of these samples with each other and with samples from representatives of different populations, both ancient and modern.
The Andronovo haplotypes S10 and S16 have the following structure:
ANDRON S10, S16:
13-25-16-11-11-14-10-14-11-18-15-14-11-16-20-12-23
The greatest number of matches is observed with the Tian Shan Kyrgyz and the Southern Altaians. Complete matches of haplotypes in populations that are geographically close and share a common history are possible only in cases of genetic relationship; random matches are unlikely.
Thus, the Southern Altaians and the Tien Shan Kyrgyz are likely descendants of close relatives of the Yenisei Andronovites, most likely the descendants of the Altai Andronovites. It is well established by linguists and ethnographers that there is close linguistic and ethnic kinship between the Kyrgyz and the Southern Altaians (Baskakov, 1966: 15-16).
These peoples share the same names for their clan divisions (Mundus, Telos-Doolos, Kipchak, Naiman, Merkit, etc.). Kyrgyz legends refer to Altai as the ancestral home of their people. Several historians believe that the Kyrgyz and Southern Altaians once formed a single community and that the migration of the Kyrgyz from Altai to Tien Shan occurred relatively recently (Abramzon, 1959: 34; Abdumanapov, 2007: 95, 114).
Source: Volkov V.G., Kharkov V.N., Stepanov V.A. Andronovo and Tagar cultures in light of genetic data."
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